https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/issue/feed NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture 2025-12-30T11:04:37+07:00 Boonyakorn Wachiratienchai wachiratienchai_b@silpakorn.edu Open Journal Systems <p>Welcome to the official website of <em>NAJUA</em><em>: </em><em>History of Architecture and Thai Architecture</em> (NAJUA: HATA). Our journal, operating under the Faculty of Architecture at Silpakorn University, has been a cornerstone in the study of architectural history and Thai architecture for over 20 years, proudly reaching this milestone in 2023.</p> <p>NAJUA: HATA eagerly invites contributions from scholars of all generations. We are committed to advancing knowledge in architectural history, Thai architecture, architectural preservation, and related subjects. We highly value articles that explore new research areas, challenge conventional frameworks, and present fresh perspectives.</p> <p>Our editorial board, composed of dedicated scholars, meticulously selects content for publication. Each article undergoes a rigorous peer-review process by experts in the field, ensuring the highest standards of academic excellence. Our website provides access to current and past issues, as well as the latest news and updates.</p> <p> </p> <p>Journal Abbreviation: NAJUA: HATA<br />Online ISSN: 2697-3901<br />Print ISSN: 1686-1841<br />Start Year: 2004<br />Languages: Thai and English<br />Issues per Year: 2 (January-June, July-December)</p> https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/285720 Anuvit Charoensupkul: On Space, Symbolism, and A Single Tree Can Also Be Architecture 2025-12-28T12:08:02+07:00 Pinai Sirikiatikul sirikiatikul_p@silpakorn.edu <p>For over half a century, Anuvit Charoensupkul has cultivated a mindset for architecture students, encouraging them to approach design with a vision rooted in their own culture. He began his journey at the Faculty of Thai Architecture, Silpakorn University, during its pioneering era, before pursuing a Master’s degree at Rice University in the United States at a time when the tide of Modernism was at its peak. However, what remained deeply ingrained in his philosophy was not the imitation of Western "Modernity," but a critical question: how can a country with a unique cultural background like Thailand create contemporary architecture with its own "identity," much like the success achieved by Japan?<br><br>This conversation reflects a significant turning point: upon returning to Thailand, Anuvit initially aspired to be a professional architect, but conflicts with developers led him to abandon that path without hesitation to dedicate himself entirely to the academic world. Driven by the spirit of a determined researcher who refused to compromise with the superficiality of “careless” academics, Anuvit embarked on extensive nationwide fieldwork alongside scholars such as Prayoon Uroochadha, Pathom Puapunsakul, Wiwat Temiyaphan, and Sone Simatrang, to understand architecture through "the real thing".<br><br>Anuvit ’s academic trajectory defies any conventional framework. He was raised amidst the traditional Chinese values of his household, complemented by an immersion in the grace and refinement of Thai aristocratic circles. As a straightforward individual grounded in principles, he consistently questioned the education system from his days as a student to his tenure as a professor. He was a staunch critic of reductive “Applied Thai” architecture that focused only on the exterior shell and was never satisfied with ready-made answers. Instead, he firmly believed that any meaningful creation must stem from a true understanding of a society’s cultural structure.<br><br>In an era when architectural education still focused primarily on formalism and function, Anuvit was a pioneer in contemporary architectural pedagogy, emphasizing the creation of “space” and “meaning” (symbolism). In his academic work, Anuvit challenged the conventional study of Khmer architecture, which traditionally focused on the stylistic interpretation of lintels and pediments. By proposing a “Design Framework” through his landmark case study of Prasat Muang Tam—a project spanning over 20 years—he proved that architecture is an “organism” characterized by a complex creative order, comprehensible only through a systematic analysis of both design and symbolism.<br><br>The following conversation took place five years after his retirement from regular teaching. It marks the re-emergence of a modest thinker whose insights, nevertheless, remain as sharp as ever.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/280202 Laterite in the Construction of Brick Prang-style Chedis of the Early Ayutthaya Period on Ayutthaya Island 2025-05-06T00:57:07+07:00 Suwit Lerdwimolsak suwitmon1525@gmail.com <p>This study examines several early Ayutthaya period <em>prang chedis</em> or <em>prang</em>-style <em>chedis</em> located in the ancient city of Ayutthaya, highlighting the intriguing integration of laterite within their primarily masonry construction. This suggests a potential continuity in the developmental lineage of <em>prang</em>-style <em>chedis</em> that can be traced back to earlier structures, such as the principal <em>prang</em> at Wat Phra Si Rattana Mahathat in Lopburi. Since laterite is not a naturally occurring material in the area, large masonry <em>chedis</em> could have been constructed without its use. This article aims to present these perspectives through a case study analysis of <em>prang</em>-style <em>chedis</em> built with laterite and brick during the early Ayutthaya period within the ancient city.</p> <p>The analysis indicated that historical documents from the Ayutthaya period reveal that builders selectively utilized laterite for specific types of structures. This suggests that builders were likely aware of the distinct characteristics of laterite compared to brick, influencing their material choices in structural construction. The laterite used may have been obtained as tribute or requisitioned from provincial cities under central authority for state purposes, possibly for the construction of <em>chedis </em>in royal temples of the capital.</p> <p>Studies on the structural stability of buildings, based on contemporary architectural principles, suggest that the stability of <em>chedis</em> is influenced by multiple factors, including mass, form, and the application of suitable construction techniques. Among these, the choice of construction materials has a significant influence on structural integrity. Previous research has shown that laterite possesses greater load capacity and durability than brick.</p> <p>Field survey data revealed that the laterite used in construction exhibits two types of rectangular block shapes: 1) newly quarried laterite blocks at the time of construction, and 2) laterite blocks reused from older, collapsed, or abandoned structures, which typically demonstrate more rounded edges, chipping, or breakage. The locations and patterns of laterite placement suggest that builders intentionally used laterite in the base level and chamber areas, forming the structural core that bears the greatest load. Physical evidence indicates that masons during the early Ayutthaya period possessed empirical knowledge of structural load distribution, leading them to selectively utilize laterite in areas subjected to higher compressive forces.</p> <p>However, it is noteworthy that laterite is not naturally found in the local environment and was not as widely used as brick. The construction patterns of laterite masonry can be classified into three distinct types:</p> <p>1) Rectangular laterite blocks, with layers that are horizontally uniform in thickness and notched to create a shoulder on the masonr block. These blocks are laid with staggered joints to enhance structural bonding strength, a technique that seems to have been inherited from the principal <em>prang</em> of Wat Phra Si Rattana Mahathat in Lopburi. However, the configuration in Ayutthaya appears to be more systematically arranged.</p> <p>2) Rectangular blocks of approximately uniform size and thickness, laid in a pattern resembling the English bond technique. This may represent a later development in laterite masonry, specifically related to the <em>prang</em> structures of the early Ayutthaya period. This pattern is commonly found in early Ayutthaya masonry <em>chedis </em>but is not observed in the main <em>prangs</em> of any earlier case studies, and the use of laterite in construction is not found in earlier <em>prangs</em> in Lopburi.</p> <p>3) Laterite blocks of various sizes and shapes, including both rectangular and square forms, laid in a non-uniform pattern across the wall, likely indicative of a reused and reassembled material. This requires supporting evidence from other contextual sources.</p> <p>Thus, the development of construction techniques using laterite may have initially emerged alongside the principal <em>prang</em> at Phra Si Rattana Mahathat in Lopburi before evolving into a distinct form in later periods.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/280948 The History and Meanings of the Replication of Phra That Phanom Stupa 2025-06-03T09:20:47+07:00 Songyot Weerataweemat sonwee@kku.ac.th Anuwat karnthak anuwat.k@msu.ac.th Pattara Maitrarat pattara.m@msu.ac.th <p>Given the historical significance of Phra That Phanom in Thai-Lao culture, it has consistently attracted academic interest. This importance has led to its architectural design becoming a model that has been replicated in various contexts. This article aims to investigate the meanings underlying the replication of Phra That Phanom by adopting theoretical approaches in architectural history as a framework for interpreting the development of architectural symbolic systems, constituting a history of meanings and symbolic forms. The study employs historical contextual analysis to examine and interpret the intentions and purposes embedded in the replication of these symbolic forms.</p> <p>The study reveals that Phra That Phanom has unique characteristics. The replication of its design began during the reigns of King Rama III-King Rama IV to represent the culture of Lan Xang, extending beyond the boundaries of the Lan Xang civilization. Subsequently, between 1911 and 1916, the architectural form of Phra That Phanom began to be adopted as a representative model for stupas enshrining the Buddha’s relics at Phra That Tha Uthen, and it was further linked to the cycle of the Chronicle of Urangkhathat at Phra Phutthabat Bua Bok. At the same time, administrative reforms in the Mekong provincial regions led to the construction of replicas of Phra That Phanom, which came to embody the status of city stupas in Renu Nakhon and Nakhon Phanom.</p> <p>In 1940, the government redesigned Phra That Phanom to make it taller and incorporate a Thai-style aesthetic. This design became the standard for Phra That Phanom and remained until its collapse in 1975. The Thai government subsequently rebuilt Phra That Phanom and initiated annual celebrations. The newly constructed Phra That Phanom now represented the original Phra That Phanom, located at Phu Kham Phra, as outlined in the Chronicle of Urangkhathat. Meanwhile, the original design of Phra That Phanom transitioned to symbolize Phra That Renu, Phra That Tha Uthen, and Phra That Nakhon.</p> <p>Thus, a physical structure occupying a sacred space for an extended period would naturally evolve into a symbol of that sacred place. Subsequent replicas of Phra That Phanom did not necessarily represent Phu Kham Phra, where Phra That Phanom is located, but rather served to connect with the original Phra That Phanom within the broader context of the Isan region, which is linked to Lan Xang culture and the Chronicle of Urangkhathat.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/280510 From Langkasuka to Pattani’s Old Town: An Analysis of the Image of the City for Guiding Conservation and Development in a Multicultural Context 2025-05-16T16:25:41+07:00 Chompoonut Kongphunphin kchompoo@ap.tu.ac.th Manat Srivanit manat-s@tu.ac.th <p>Pattani is a historically and culturally significant region with deep roots in ancient civilizations that once thrived on the Malay Peninsula, including Langkasuka, Tambralinga, and Srivijaya. Over the centuries, Pattani has experienced extensive historical, social, and morphological transformations, shaping its unique identity as a multicultural society. Today, Pattani is home to a diverse population comprising Thai Buddhists, Thai Chinese, and Thai Muslims, who coexist and contribute to the area's distinctive cultural fabric. The Old Town of Pattani stands as a testament to the harmonious blending of these diverse traditions and way of life, showcasing a rich and varied cultural amalgamation.</p> <p>In recognition of its historical and cultural significance, the Old Town of Pattani was officially designated as a historic city on March 10, 2015. This certification was issued by the Office of Natural Resources and Environmental Policy and Planning (ONEP), which acts as the Secretariat for the Committee for the Conservation and Development of Rattanakosin and Historic Towns. The designated historic area spans approximately 2.35 square kilometers and is divided into a core area and surrounding zones. Within this historic district, the Old Town serves as a hub of ethnic, religious, and cultural diversity. The unique cultural identity of this area is reflected not only in its architecture but also in the daily interactions and communal activities of its residents, revealing a tangible blend of traditions, beliefs, and lifestyles.</p> <p>Despite its historical and cultural significance, the Old Town of Pattani has experienced a decline in vibrancy in recent years. Changes in local lifestyles and activities, urban expansion, and transportation patterns have led to the abandonment of many historic buildings. Some structures have been repurposed as swiftlet houses, while others have been demolished and replaced with commercial buildings. These changes pose a significant risk to the preservation of the area's historical significance and cultural identity.</p> <p>This study aims to analyze and identify the spatial components of Pattani's city image based on Kevin Lynch's urban imagery framework, which includes edges, paths, nodes, districts, and landmarks. The research methodology involves a survey focusing on two main areas: (1) the physical characteristics and spatial context of the area, including neighborhood identity, activities, atmosphere, and circulation, and (2) the buildings in terms of their location, form, function, and utilization. The findings will be compared with relevant literature covering the history of Pattani's Old Town, its spatial and architectural features, urban imagery, identity, and multicultural society.</p> <p>The study reveals that all five components of urban imagery are identifiable in the Old Town. Notable features include the Pattani River, an intricate system of canals and roads, various public spaces, and prominent cultural landmarks such as temples, mosques, shrines, and historic bridges. The core area comprises three principal ethnic communities: Thai Buddhists, Thai Chinese, and Thai Muslims. The surrounding areas include newly developed economic zones and the extended settlements of the Thai Chinese (in the upper section) and Thai Muslims (in the lower section).</p> <p>These findings underscore the importance of informed urban planning, conservation strategies, and efforts to sustain Pattani's unique cultural and historical identity within a peaceful, multicultural framework. Scholars, urban planners, and cultural heritage professionals play crucial roles in this endeavor.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/276448 Walking Street, Bicycle Lanes, and Running Tracks: Dynamics of Thai Public Space after the Tom Yum Kung Crisis 2024-12-01T09:03:55+07:00 Pinyapan Potjanalawan pinyapan@g.lpru.ac.th <p>This article emphasizes analyzing the production of public space through Henri Lefebvre’s concept of the production of space, which views social space as a product of each historical period. After the 1997 economic crisis, the concept of public space in Thailand changed significantly. The severe financial situation and the growing power of people aligned with the movement for the 1997 constitution, which aimed to support people's freedom and improve the quality of life as never before. These factors have led to the emergence of new public spaces, such as "walking streets," which have altered power dynamics by giving ordinary people greater control over streets traditionally dominated by vehicles. The use of public space has evolved in an open atmosphere marked by the expansion of economic activities and consumption in public areas. However, political tensions that emerged with the rise of mass politics in the late 1990s led to protests and opposition to the government. This politicization of public space contributed to the 2006 coup. Mass politics became increasingly polarized, culminating in protests that escalated into the occupation of government buildings and streets in central Bangkok. A second coup occurred in 2014, followed by the suppression of freedom of expression and the enactment of a law prohibiting public assembly in 2015, making political rallies in public difficult. Consequently, streets and public spaces are no longer venues for free political expression as they once were. The heightened tension, combined with strict area control and public dissatisfaction with politics, has led some people to focus more on their health. Exercising in public areas has become a favored alternative, viewed as an outdoor activity that does not pose a threat to the state. Although these gatherings have burgeoned into widespread social phenomena, such as the "Pan Phuea Mae - Pan Phuea Pho" (Bike for Mom - Bike for Dad) event, they are closely linked to the monarchy, inspiring ongoing initiatives, such as the construction of bicycle la es nationwide. Additionally, the charity running campaign "Kao Khon La Kao" (One Step at a Time) has popularized marathon running among the public. This trend has influenced the design and development of jogging tracks in urban areas across various provinces. These projects reflect people's power to determine policies regarding public spaces. While streets that demonstrate local initiatives, jogging tracks, and bicycle lanes often originate from central and regional government directives, receiving significant funding but lacking sufficient oversight, it reveals that the power of the people remains limited and controlled.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/279949 Modern Art and Architecture: The Architecture of Cultural Institutions in Bangkok, 1961-1974 2025-04-29T17:21:34+07:00 Krittee Wongmaneeroj 6670002625@student.chula.ac.th <p>Modern architecture in Thailand is significantly influenced by foreign paradigms but is also shaped by unique indigenous factors, including economic conditions, sociocultural dynamics, and the country's specific political and administrative context. Thailand's historical status as a nation never formally colonized by Western powers, despite intervention by liberal powers during this period, plays a crucial role in this context. Previous scholarship has primarily examined modern architecture through a broad lens, focusing on external determinants such as the backgrounds of individual architects, political governance, and architectural styles influenced by the Western world. To address gaps in the literature, this study employs a comparative method to analyze case studies of cultural institutions. It investigates the factors that contributed to the emergence of modern architecture in Thailand through the lens of postcolonial theory. Specifically, it examines the relationship between Thailand's modern art movement and the architecture of cultural institutions in Bangkok between 1961 and 1974. These developments occurred within the context of environmental factors, including the architects, site conditions, the tropical climate, and patronage. The analysis, based on both primary and secondary sources on modern art and architecture in Thailand, compares government and private institutions that were not originally intended for exhibitions with private structures explicitly designed for cultural purposes. Three case studies are highlighted: the Bangkok Art Center Project (1965), the British Council Building (1970), and the Bhirasri Institute of Modern Art (1974). The findings indicate that the architectural evolution of these institutions mirrored shifts in the art movement. As the artistic mainstream transitioned from works that expressed “Thai” identity through Western techniques to a path that sought independence from traditional Thai essence, the built environment adapted in response. This shift led to innovative designs catering to cultural needs, characterized by (1) functional comprehensiveness, (2) spatial flexibility, (3) well-conceived spatial access and circulation systems, (4) specialized detailing for cultural and artistic utility, and (5) architectural features that diverged from historical styles. This marked a clear distinction from earlier buildings that lacked specialized functions and prioritized historical aesthetics. Ultimately, this development demonstrates that art and architecture followed a similar trajectory, with both disciplines exploring creative possibilities beyond traditional notions of Thai identity. As a result, the modern art movement emerges as a vital domestic factor in the transformation of modern architecture in Thailand.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/282305 Baan Mai Magazine as a Space of Negotiation: Constructing Home Culture in National Housing Authority Flats, 1976–1979 2025-07-26T15:15:57+07:00 Napisa Leelasuphapong napisa.l@chula.ac.th <p>This paper presents a design history of a “new home culture” focusing on the living and homemaking practices of the low-income group in late 1970s Thailand, particularly in the flat-type buildings constructed by the National Housing Authority (NHA). These flats were developed in response to severe housing shortages and the rapid growth of slums in Bangkok. The study examines the NHA’s role as both a producer of modern housing and an advocate for new living standards, alongside residents’ adaptation to life in high-rise buildings and the associated societal and cultural shifts. It applies the Production-Consumption-ediation (PCM) framework of design history, which seeks to understand the cultural and social significance of designed objects through producers’ perspectives, consumer responses, and the shared ideas and ideals surrounding them. The study centers on <em>Baan Mai</em> (New Home), a magazine published by the NHA from 1976 to 1979 and distributed free to residents of its flats. <em>Baan Mai</em> served as a communication tool between the government and residents, addressing the challenges of adapting to new living conditions. Its content included advice on managing small spaces, maintaining efficiency, controlling noise, fostering a DIY furniture culture, and responding to residents’ complaints about issues such as water pricing and hygiene. This paper examines <em>Baan Mai</em> as a space of negotiation between the NHA and residents, revealing how both parties <span style="font-size: 0.875rem;">contributed to shaping the new home culture. Through analyzing </span>the magazine, the study highlights how government strategies and everyday responses intersected to form new ways of living in high-rise housing during a critical period of urban transformation.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/281810 Anthropometric Dimensions in the Architectural Design of Guol Community Houses of the Katu People in Vietnam 2025-07-02T19:28:43+07:00 Ngoc Tung Nguyen kts.nguyentung@hueuni.edu.vn Hirohide Kobayashi kobahiro@archi.kyoto-u.ac.jp Duc Sang Tran sangkatuic@gmail.com <p>Local knowledge concerning human body-based units of measurement exists across all societies and has been recognized as a key part of traditional architecture. Among the Katu ethnic group in Central Vietnam, this knowledge was historically applied in constructing the Guol, a traditional communal house. The Guol was dimensioned using 18 distinct body-based units, including arm spans (A-1), hand spans, and body heights passed down orally through generations. However, with the onset of modernization, traditional building techniques have gradually faded, and Guol structures have almost entirely disappeared from areas such as Nam Dong District in Thua Thien Hue Province.</p> <p>Fieldwork involved interviews with 25 elder Katu informants across 25 hamlets, each recalling a Guol they had participated in building. Through comparative analysis of verbal accounts, it was found that key structural dimensions, height (H ≈ 7.26m), depth (D ≈ 6.01m), and width (W ≈ 11.06m) were determined predominantly by the A-1 unit (≈ 1.59m). The resulting average ratios, H/A-1 ≈ 4.6, D/A-1 ≈ 3.8, and W/A-1 ≈ 7.0, reveal a consistent anthropometric logic underpinning the spatial form, even with physical variation among individuals. The findings show that body-based units were used to determine structural components rather than to define abstract spatial concepts. The finding provide not only a record of intangible heritage but also a human-centered design framework relevant to contemporary architecture. This study contributes to rethinking measurement systems by drawing attention to embodied spatial cognition and the cultural foundations of proportionality.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/NAJUA/article/view/283874 Door Frame: The Iconography and Architectural Style in Indian and Southeast Asian Art 2025-10-05T13:38:13+07:00 Chedha Tingsanchali chedha_t@hotmail.com <p>This research focuses on the doorframe, an architectural component of the door that is regarded as one of the most sacred elements in Hindu and Buddhist architecture, both in Indian and Southeast Asian art. Previous studies have discussed the iconography and styles of the doorframe, such as Stella Kramrisch (1946) and Parul Pandya Dhar (2009). However, their iconography and stylistic connections to India and Southeast Asia have not been widely explored. The aim of this study is to explore the iconography and stylistic connections between Indian and Southeast Asian doorframes prior to the 13th century CE. The findings can be summarized into four main topics: <strong>1) Definition of the Enclosure, </strong><strong>Wall, Gateway, Door, and Doorframe:</strong> the study classifies the “enclosure”, accompanied by a gateway, and the “wall” of a sanctum, which features a doorframe or “Dvāraśākhā.” <strong>2) Iconographic Meaning of the Doorframe: </strong>as devotees peer into the sanctum to glimpse the deity, the doorframe assumes various iconographic meanings. It symbolizes the multiplication of the supreme god, the blessings of abundance, and the deity's power to eradicate evil and provide protection. <strong>3) Development of Doorframes </strong><strong>in Indian Art:</strong> the Gupta period introduces the Dvāraśākhā system, characterized by concentric frames. The Vakāṭaka period brings forth the Makara Toraṇa, an arch flanked by two Makaras. The Dvāraśākhā system has evolved through several schools of Indian art, particularly in North India, while the Makara Toraṇa has remained prevalent in South India. And <strong>4) Evolution of Doorframes in Southeast Asian Art with </strong><strong>Indian Comparisons:</strong> doorframes in Southeast Asia exhibit localized characteristics. Khmer lintels evolved from the Makara Toraṇa to arches adorned with foliate motifs and Kāla masks. Central Javanese doorframes are primarily decorated with Kāla and Makaras, whereas Bagan doorframes uniquely follow the Dvāraśākhā system.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 NAJUA: History of Architecture and Thai Architecture