Journal of Social Sciences Naresuan University
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu
<h3><strong>About JSSNU</strong></h3> <p>The Faculty of Social Sciences (FSS), Naresuan University (NU), publishes an academic journal called "Journal of Social Sciences Naresuan University (JSSNU)", with the aim of creating a platform to stimulate the exchange of up-to-date scholarly works and research in the field of social sciences. Three experts from related fields, both internal and external, serve as peer reviewers for each article. The editorial team also uses a system in which the evaluators and authors of the articles do not know each other's names (double-blind review). Selected articles will be published in the journal and on the FSS website, giving access to Thai and international readers who may be interested.</p>Faculty of Social Sciences, Naresuan Universityen-USJournal of Social Sciences Naresuan University2985-2811Book review “Decentralization” and “The Governor by People’s Election”
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/273523
<p>-</p>Weerasak Krueathep
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2024-12-232024-12-23202365376Dynamics and Impacts of the 2020 Khana Ratsadon (People’s Party)
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/262686
<p>Thailand’s <em>Khana Ratsadon 2020</em> (meaning “Group of Ordinary People in the Year 2020”) is a student-led political movement. The movement draws inspiration from the People’s Party, which staged a revolution in 1932 that transformed Siam’s absolute monarchy into a constitutional monarchy. The movement has garnered significant attention from Thai Studies scholars worldwide due to three intriguing aspects. First, the actors in the movement represent the revival of Thailand’s student movement, which re-emerged half a century after the October 1973 uprising. Second, the movement called for monarchical reform, a political aspiration that was previously forbidden in Thai politics due to its cultural sensitivity and legal restrictions imposed by lèse majesté laws. Lastly, the movement’s activities were praised for their creativity and unconventional nature. Despite being heavily suppressed by the Thai state, the student movement succeeded in assembling diverse groups of people and maintaining momentum. While many scholars argue that the role of <em>Khana Ratsadon 2020</em>, an umbrella organization leading the movement, has significantly diminished and that the movement fell short of meeting its political goals, this article disagrees with such an assessment. Although<em> Khana Ratsadon 2020</em> has not achieved its objectives, the movement has generated several crucial political consequences. Firstly, as a Social Movement Organization (SMO), <em>Khana Ratsadon 2020</em> has demonstrated distinctive dynamics and resilience, due to its organizational structure and efforts to survive the Thai state’s suppressive measures. In doing so, the movement mobilized people widely and actively organized political activities, fostering common experiences and consciousness among its participants. Secondly, through its innovative actions, the movement has created a new window of opportunity for political action within the existing repressive political structure. Thirdly, the movement’s discourses and practices have challenged the meaning of public space, which had previously been appropriated and monopolized by the monarchy and reclaimed that space for the people. This, in turn, has redefined the relationship between the monarch and the people. The influential ramifications of <em>Khana Ratsadon 2020</em>’s movement have demonstrated what this paper calls a cultural revolution, which could pave the way for a political revolution in the future.</p>Uchen Cheangsen
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2024-12-232024-12-23202241268Or Will the Nation Change?: Challenges to the Concept of “Nationhood” in Thai Educational Areas
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/265710
<p>In 2020, high school student political activism sparked doubts about the patriotism of the activists, particularly from political opponents. This article explores the concept of nationhood among students. Three main issues are addressed: 1) the concept of nationhood based on social science knowledge; 2) national dynamics and ideology in social studies textbooks in Thailand; and 3) the definition of nationhood among students after the 2020 movement. The results show that advances in communication technology helped students, recognized as digital natives, challenge the national ideology instilled through the education system, which prioritized nation, religion, and monarchy. For students, nationalism does not critically focus on the institutions lauded in the education system but pertains primarily to people or citizens. Moreover, the process of collectively imagining nationhood has moved from the offline space of textbooks to the online space a significant space for learning, expressing, and exchanging their ideology.</p>Kanyanat Kongrod
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2024-12-232024-12-23202269298First as Tragedy, Then as Farce: History, Class, and Politics in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/270999
<p>Although<em> The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte</em> is often saluted and considered one of the most important, influential, and cited writings of Karl Marx, it has not been seriously studied, especially when it is compared with Marx’s other celebrated works. Among Thai academics, this work has been mentioned only in passing and it has never been taken seriously. Aiming to fill that gap, this article comprehensively examines <em>The Eighteenth Brumaire</em> by focusing on its background, content, theory, history, and legacy. Challenging major criticisms that this writing is dated, and it is only relevant to those who are interested in the history of France, this article argues that <em>The Eighteenth Brumaire</em> is still relevant to our understanding and critique of capitalism, history, politics, state, and social class in the contemporary context. In addition, this classic writing can help us rethink and reevaluate Marx, whose theories have often been misunderstood and criticized as if they disregarded the question of state, the complex composition of classes in a society, and the uncertainty and irony of historical development.</p> <p> </p>Puangchon Unchanam
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2024-12-232024-12-23202299333Boom Crops: A Review of Concept and Proposal of Land Relations Research for Thailand
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/271075
<p>Examining the phenomenon of “boom crops” is essential for understanding the complexity of land relations within Thailand’s political economy and political ecology in relation to politico-economic conditions and environmental change. In this study, the author explores recent scholarly work on the concept of boom crops and aims to enhance the framework, specifically addressing Thailand’s land-related issues, the roles of various actors with power in processes that control property regimes, and access to land. While this paper focuses on the case of Thailand, it also considers the broader regional context and the impact of globalization. This includes an examination of Thailand’s evolving land policies under the military regime, which, influenced by neoliberalism that accelerate the cycle of growth and burst of boom crops, expansion of boom crops, and the livelihoods of small-scale farmers.</p> <p> </p>Sakarin Na Nan
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2024-12-232024-12-23202335363Editorial Note
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/276821
<p>ไม่มี</p>Chaipong Samnieng
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2024-12-232024-12-23202XXIXVoices of Low-income Tenants: Uncovering Unheard Narratives in Housing
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/270990
<p>This research article explores the often-overlooked lives of low-income tenants, highlighting their experiences in a landscape where academic and policy discussions predominantly focus on initiatives that support middle-and high-income homeowners. Using the political economy of housing as a framework, the article reveals how both government and business sectors prioritize home buying and selling-driven by profit motives and expectations of economic growth, while neglecting the needs of low-income individuals who are unable to secure housing loans. Consequently, the voices of low-income tenants remain unheard. The research employs two methods: in-depth interviews and participant observation, focusing on two distinct locales-the area behind the Bangbua Community Housing Project and the Wat Duangkhae Communities. The findings highlight three key issues. Firstly, the pathways to becoming tenants in these areas are explored, highlighting the necessity for affordable rental accommodation in proximity to places of employment. Secondly, the persistence of low-cost rental units in urban areas is investigated, showing that these units are typically located in zones with limited access to major thoroughfares, making them unsuitable for high-end housing developments. Lastly, the lived experiences of tenants demonstrate their lack of access to and benefit from existing housing policies. The article suggests the government launch alternative housing policies that support affordable rental accommodations.</p> <p> </p>Boonlert Visetpricha
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2024-12-232024-12-23202123Empowerment the Role of Women in the Communist Party of Thailand, Phatthalung, Trang and Satun through the “Tawan Daeng” Journal, 1977-1982
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/270951
<p>This article aims to study the empowerment of women’s roles through the “Tawan Daeng” journal, published by the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) in the southern provinces of Phatthalung, Trang, and Satun between 1977-1982. A key feature of the journal was its focus on empowering women’s roles within the revolutionary, particularly by integrating to gender studies, patriarchy and black feminist theories. The study finds that Tawan Daeng has specific columns called “Talking with Pimphayom” and “Arts and Culture” which highlighted this emphasis, fostering connections between intellectual female comrades and local female comrades. Columns, which drew inspiration from the women’s rights activism and leftist thought from the 1950s, reflected more the influence of feminist ideologies than the CPT’s traditional educational materials. The study concludes that the intellectual female comrades involved in these writings, many of whom had joined the revolution after the October 6, 1976, used the Tawan Daeng to inspire and educate women. Additionally, the journal’s content showed the class interaction of female comrades in the CPT.</p>Thanyaphorn Makkhong
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2024-12-232024-12-232022555Societal Constitutionalism: Constitutional Making from Below
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/270963
<p>This study examines the phenomenon of the people’s movement in Thailand, which seeks to address national issues through an urgent constitution-making process. The research focuses on two main aspects: The relationship between the constitution and people’s lives and the constitution-making process driven by people’s movements, resulting in the “People's Constitution.” The study found that the promulgation of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2560 has impacted people’s daily lives, affecting their rights and freedoms, inequality, discrimination, and the unequal distribution of resources. The movement for a people's constitution emerged from the everyday problems people experience due to governmental policies and measures. This movement directly opposes the political status quo following the coup d'état, bringing together diverse social groups, including marginalized communities, by linking their daily issues with constitutional provisions. It is grounded in three core principles: 1) advocating for the rights, freedoms, and equality of Thai people, 2) pushing for reform of social institutions, and 3) seeking principles to address social inequality. This constitution-writing effort from below is initiated by people without state power, involving ten social identity groups and 118 organizations that collectively drafted a new constitution, which was presented to political parties and the government. Each organization advocated for amendments aligned with their specific issues, forming a continuous social movement.</p>Samchaiy Sresunt
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2024-12-232024-12-232025789The Family Life of a Bureaucratic Bourgeoisie during the Absolutist State Siam
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/266629
<p>Family life operates within the framework of the socio-political structure. Patronizing relationships, which formed the core of traditional social relations, were also applied among family members. Life within the household, therefore, overlapped with life in the external political society; for example, the master must patronize the commoners, and similarly, the head of a family must patronize various family members. The family life of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie was different in several ways. The modern bourgeoisie did not favor having concubines and was not obligated to support subordinate servants. However, patronizing relationships within the family still existed, though they were limited to those related by blood. The husband, as the head of the family, was responsible for supporting his wife and children, as well as dependent siblings and relatives. The bureaucratic bourgeois family was therefore less private than families in a modern society.</p> <p> </p>Nattaphong Sakulleaw
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2024-12-232024-12-2320291117The Travel Writing of Henri Mouhot: Natural History, the Scientific Expedition, and the Language of Empire
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/266882
<p>By employing a historical approach, this research aims to study the travel writing of the French traveler Henri Mouhot, who conducted scientific surveys in the interior regions of Siam, Cambodia, and Laos during the years 1858, 1859, and 1860. This paper argues that the growth of natural history in the 18th century gave rise to a new form of travel with the direct purpose of scientific study. Consequently, Mouhot was financially supported to carry out projects to explore the interior regions of Siam, Cambodia, and Laos, surveying lands, resources, and people. The expedition also allowed him to collect plant and animal specimens, which were shipped back to associations in England that funded his work. Mouhot’s travel writing, which was part of the European natural history project, represented European power and the legitimacy to rule other parts of the world through what was portrayed as a humanist and innocent act. His travel writing, after the French Revolution, thus substituted violent conquests, which were criticized as illegitimate actions.</p>Chanida Prompayak
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2024-12-232024-12-23202119150The Joko Community Learning Center, Nan Province, with an Effort to Create an Alternative Food Regime
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/264317
<p>The purpose of this article is to examine and describe the establishment process of an alternative food regime by the Joko Community Learning Center in Nan Province. The center created a new negotiating space for food security and food sovereignty through the negotiation of relationships with various actors via activities and projects. The strategy of the Joko Community Learning Center did not involve directly battling or overthrowing power, but it successfully challenged state power by collaborating with farmers to open space at the local level. This research is framed by the concept of the integral state and employs qualitative research methodology. The findings show that the Joko Community Learning Center adopts four primary strategies to negotiate with state power: 1) Developing new knowledge and redefining the role of farmers as managers of agricultural resources; 2) Creating maps of land use based on the Office of the National Land Policy Board’s data to legitimize access to different types of land (both individual and community forest land); 3) Attracting the private sector to the area to create a local bargaining ground for farmers to negotiate with state power at certain levels; and 4) Establishing alternative markets where producers have greater negotiating power.</p>Sunsai Wongsuwan Watcharabon Buddharaksa
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2024-12-232024-12-23202151181Peasant Rebellions and the Fall of Feudalism: Reestablishing Historical Values in Chinese Communist Party’s Historical Narrative
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/270987
<p>This article investigates the understanding of peasant rebellions in the historical narrative of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) through three distinct rebellions: the Chen Sheng Wu Guang, Huang Cao, and Li Zicheng rebellions. The results show that the CCP aimed to connect peasant rebellions with the concept of class revolution by portraying landlords and the ruling class as the principal oppressors of the laboring class in ancient Chinese feudal society. Civil disorder was seen as a lower-class response to upper-class maltreatment. In ancient Chinese history, class consciousness and awareness of revolutionary politics had not yet developed. Despite civil disorders, Chinese society retained a feudal structure. However, the CCP selectively utilized the lessons of peasant rebellions to benefit its revolution. CCP Chairman Mao Zedong was the key figure who framed a narrative around the failed peasant rebellions to advance the CCP's revolutionary agenda. These narratives persist into the era of Chinese President Xi Jinping, more than seven decades after the founding of the People’s Republic of China.</p>Chaiyaporn Phayakhrut
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2024-12-232024-12-23202183207Methodology of Studying the Integration of Narratives and Rituals in Social Spaces: A Case Study of the City Spirit Worship of the Tai in Vietnam
https://so04.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/jssnu/article/view/273557
<p>This article presents an integrated methodological approach for analyzing narratives and rituals within social spaces to reveal power from below, utilizing the case study of the city spirit worship performed by Tai people in Quan Son district, in the highland area of Thanh Hoa province, North Central Vietnam, bordering Laos’ Viengxay district in Houaphan province. Through an ethnographic research, an analysis of ancient Tai documents, and Vietnamese sources, the author proposes a seven-step synthesis methodology to elucidate this study approach. Key finding suggests that the integration of narratives and rituals can elucidate sociocultural changes and development driven by power from below, as they are situated within social spaces characterized by power relations. Significantly, the methodology emphasizes the importance of examining narratives and rituals as practices of both the state and ethnic groups, contextualizing these practices at both local and macro levels. Furthermore, by focusing on the interaction between narratives as ritualistic practices, this approach reveals how mainstream state narratives and little narrative of ethnic group interact, leading to the formation of new ethnic identities and place-based consciousness that align with contemporary contexts and societies. This power from below serves as an ethnic strategy for fostering participation in local development.</p>Achariya Choowonglert
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2024-12-232024-12-23202209239